Italy Racist Politics

The second half of 1938 recorded two main events for the politics of fascist Italy: racism and Monaco. One is presented as a fact of internal politics, the other of foreign policy: in fact, they are the two complementary faces of the same reality, the “catching up” or Gleichschaltung of fascist Italy with respect to Hitlerite Germany.

Mussolini, in truth, had to declare on July 30, 1938 to a group of federals from Upper Italy: “even in the question of race we will pull straight. To say that fascism has imitated someone or something is simply absurd”. However, no doubt is possible about the reflex, imitation character of fascist anti-Semitic racism. Never, until that year, had the Fascist regime proclaimed the existence of a Jewish problem in Italy; Mussolini had quite repeatedly stated the opposite. Because at that point, at the beginning of the summer of 1938, he thought it necessary to suddenly change course; whether, in doing so, it has come under pressure from Hitler, are questions of some historical importance, not yet addressed. One could conjecture a relationship with Hitler’s visit to Rome in May 1938, and also with the onset of the Czechoslovakian crisis, as Mussolini felt the need, as he drew closer and closer to Germany in the field of international politics, to to adapt at the same time, as much as possible, the Fascist mentality and customs to those of National Socialism. More generally, we can consider Mussolini’s anti-Semitic initiative as a particular application of the principle affirmed by Mussolini on July 18, 1938 to the Prime Minister and the Hungarian Foreign Minister B. Imrédy and K. de Kanya, that between Italy and Germany there was a total solidarity of the regime. as he drew closer and closer to Germany in the field of international politics, to adapt at the same time, as much as possible, the Fascist mentality and customs to those of National Socialism. More generally, we can consider Mussolini’s anti-Semitic initiative as a particular application of the principle affirmed by Mussolini on July 18, 1938 to the Prime Minister and the Hungarian Foreign Minister B. Imrédy and K. de Kanya, that between Italy and Germany there was a total solidarity of the regime. as he drew closer and closer to Germany in the field of international politics, to adapt at the same time, as much as possible, the Fascist mentality and customs to those of National Socialism. More generally, we can consider Mussolini’s anti-Semitic initiative as a particular application of the principle affirmed by Mussolini on July 18, 1938 to the Prime Minister and the Hungarian Foreign Minister B. Imrédy and K. de Kanya, that between Italy and Germany there was a total solidarity of the regime.

The racist campaign began with the publication, on July 14, 1938, of the “Charter of Race”, in ten points, attributed to a group of scientists, some of whom later denied having approved it. The substance was this. There are races, small and large; the concept of race is purely biological; the current Italianua population is Aryan, and there is now a pure Italian race. This should not be confused with the Eastern or African Mediterranean races (“dangerous theories that support the African origin of some European peoples”); the Jews do not belong to the Italian race (9); the purely European characters of the Italians must not be altered in any way (10); “it is time for the Italians to declare themselves frankly racists” (7). The effort to maintain a certain moderation of language was visible (above all that affirmation of the purely biological character, made to reassure the Catholic authorities); to which was associated the attempt, developed in a note of theDiplomatic information of 5 August, to artificially mix together the concern against hybridisation in Italian Africa and anti-Semitism. The practical conclusion, however, was pinned against the Jews; but this too might seem at first to be limited. The same note from the ID stated that from now on the participation of the Jews “in the global life of the state had to adapt to the numerical relationship between them and the Italian people”. A kind, therefore, of numerus clausus, applied to the civic activities of citizens of Jewish race. However, already on 1 September, a very serious measure was taken (especially given the anti-Semitic persecutions already unleashed in Germany): the expulsion from Italy, within six months, of foreigners of Jewish race who came after 1 January 1919. AND the next day followed the first ostracism of Jews, including Italians: they were excluded from teaching in government schools or with legal effects; also excluded from university assistantships, from free lectures, from academies and similar institutes; Enrollment in schools with legal effects is prohibited. The second wave occurred with the resolutions of the Grand Council of 6 October (finalized with the decree law of 19 November), prohibiting the marriage of Italians with non-Aryans (this is the term constantly and disproportionately used, for “arii”); excluding Jews from the possession or management of land, houses, businesses above a certain size. Jews were also excluded from compulsory military service and from the party; they are prohibited from keeping Italian Aryan servants in the service.

Where, however, the desire to maintain a certain moderation reappeared – not to push, that is, the Gleichschaltungup to excesses, equally unbearable for the sense of humanity and for that of independence of the Italian people – was in the definition of the category “Jew”, compared with the very serious German provisions of Aryan purity in the male and female ancestors. It was established, that is, that anyone born to both Jewish parents was considered to be of Jewish race, or, being born of mixed marriage, professed the Jewish religion: a hypothesis, the latter, whose cases of application must have been extremely rare, while quite frequent mixed marriages, on the other hand, were in Italy. The temperament of “discrimination” was also added (not for the prohibition of mixed marriage but for the exclusions from possessions and activities):

The third wave did not occur until the spring of the following year. On April 29, 1939 the council of ministers approved the bill concerning the “discipline of professional practice for citizens of Jewish race”: totally excluded from the profession of notary or from positions as a public official; those not discriminated against by that of a journalist; non-discriminated persons allowed to exercise the others only for Jews. These measures found hostility in the majority of the Italian people and within the fascists themselves, so much so that the party leadership deemed it necessary to campaign against the “pietism” (thus, with double linguistic and historical blunder, it was called) of the Italians towards of the Jews. And it can truly be said that a current of philosemitic sentiment developed at that moment in Italy, which swelled anti-fascism. This current somewhat attenuated the practical effects of anti-Semitic measures.